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Conservatives Are From Mars, Liberals Are From San Francisco
by Burt Prelutsky
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America Alone
by Mark Steyn
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Why
the Media Like Condi
WSJ and neo-realism...
[by Cliff Kincaid & Roger
Aronoff] 2/15/06
The "Condi
for President" movement is gathering steam. The recent Conservative
Political Action Conference (CPAC) featured an "Americans for
Dr. Rice" booth, and 47 percent of the public in a new Fox
News poll says Rice would make a good president. Even more
important, the Wall Street Journal has run an article about
the new "neorealists" guiding foreign policy in the Bush Administration,
focusing on the arrival of Condoleezza Rice as Secretary of
State. The article was obviously intended to be a flattering
portrait of Rice. But that is not the way it may come out in
the end.
The article
serves as a useful reminder of the schizophrenia at the paper.
The Journal has long been known to have a strong ideological
divide, even a virtual Church-State separation, between the
editorial page and the news pages.
While the
editorial page has been a staunch supporter of the Iraq war
and the global war on terrorism, this Journal "news" article
blasted the "neo-cons" in the administration who were said
to have been behind the "hard-line" foreign policy in the first
Bush term, including the invasion of Iraq.
In this connection,
remember that the recent UCLA-Missouri
study attempting to quantify media bias found that, by
its criteria, the Wall Street Journal was further to the left
than even the New York Times. That's a reflection of the bias
of the Journal's news pages. So, to those familiar with these
facts, the pro-Rice screed in the Journal is a matter of some
concern.
Indeed, in
its attempt to be kind to Rice, the Journal may have done her
more harm than good.
The Journal
story reports, for example, that "The most recent sign of a
shift in the administration's tone came last week in London.
After an intense day of diplomacy, Ms. Rice brokered a compromise
agreement among Russia, China, France and Britain for the International
Atomic Energy Agency to report Iran to the U.N. Security Council
for allegedly violating commitments to the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty. Over the weekend, nearly all other IAEA member countries
endorsed the agreement. Ms. Rice's aides came away touting
the efficacy of the U.N. and the IAEA—organizations disdained
by Bush aides three years ago in the run-up to the Iraq invasion."
The Journal
makes it sound as if this was a great victory. In fact, the
compromise resolution endorsed a nuclear-free Middle East,
a concept that entails the dismantling of Israel's secret defensive
nuclear weapons program. Reflecting the views of the Arab/Muslim
bloc, the Europeans, and China and Russia, the resolution takes
the heat off Iran and implicitly makes Israel out to be a villain
in the Middle East conflict. This was the "realistic" price
of the U.S. getting the other countries to agree to send the
issue of Iran's nuclear program to the U.N. Security Council.
Getting the matter to the Security Council, of course, guarantees
nothing. In fact, many observers believe the Security Council
will never agree to do anything substantial about the matter.
It is simply a way to buy time. In the end, if anything is
done, it will probably be accomplished by a "Coalition of the
Willing," such as what was done in the case of Iraq.
As the treatment
of Rice's approach to the Iran problem indicates, the authors
of the Journal article, Jay Solomon and Neil King Jr., assume
that putting the term "neorealist" on a policy of depending
on the U.N. or appeasing the "international community" will
sound attractive. But how realistic is it, considering the
U.N.'s failures on Iraq, to expect that the world body will
do anything about Iran? A natural follow-up is how going to
the U.N. with the Iran nuclear problem squares with Dr. Rice's
tough rhetoric about making sure Iran will not be allowed to
have nuclear weapons.
From a conservative
perspective, one could argue that the difference Rice is making
at the State Department has not been good. AIM has reported
on how she recently announced that the State Department is
working with the liberal Aspen Institute on an Edward R. Murrow
journalism program to train foreign journalists. Murrow, of
course, is the CBS journalist who made his name by attacking
anti-communist Senator Joseph McCarthy and is the subject of
the George Clooney film, "Good Night, and Good Luck." Rice
should have honored an anti-communist journalist, such as the
late author and Reader's Digest writer John Barron, with such
a program. But it's wiser, from the point of view of cultivating
the press, to go with the liberal icon Murrow.
On another
matter of critical importance to U.S. foreign policy, the American
Prospect, a liberal magazine, has noted with great pleasure
that Rice personally intervened last September when U.S. Ambassador
to the U.N. John Bolton was calling for major changes in a
so-called U.N. World Summit outcome document that sought to
expand the U.N.'s authority in world affairs. The Prospect
said that Rice had participated in a conference call with U.N.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan and British Foreign Minister Jack
Straw, and that the next day Bolton sent a letter to his U.N.
counterparts pulling back from his demands.
Ewen MacAskill,
diplomatic editor for the British Guardian, provided the details,
noting that Straw had "made a personal plea" to Rice and asked
her "to rein in John Bolton…" That was accomplished when Bolton
eventually agreed to a summit outcome document that advocated
strengthening the U.N. in global affairs. Bolton was even forced
to water down U.S. opposition to global taxes.
Such actions
by Rice are viewed by liberal writers at the Prospect and the
Journal as welcome because they despise the so-called "neo-conservatives," or "hardliners," who
have been widely reported to have been in charge of U.S. foreign
policy. But their slanted coverage is based on another false
assumption—that the war in Iraq was conceived in secret by
the "neo-cons" and quickly executed in open defiance of the
U.N. and our allies.
In fact,
the Bush administration did not rush into war. It took the
matter to the United Nations, where it got a unanimous Security
Council Resolution, 1441, to give Iraq one last chance to come
clean on its weapons of mass destruction programs. The clear
implication was that if Iraq didn't cooperate, the next step
would be military action. Some conservatives, like Jed Babbin,
have argued that the Bush Administration wasted precious time
going to the U.N. for approval of the war in Iraq.
Hans Blix,
who led the U.N. inspectors back into Iraq in November of 2002,
returned after 60 days to tell the world body and the world
that "Iraq appears not to have come to a genuine acceptance,
not even today, of the disarmament which was demanded of it
and which it needs to carry out to win the confidence of the
world and to live in peace." It was clear by that point that
the war had become inevitable.
The apparent
point of the Journal's depiction of Secretary Rice as a "neorealist" was
to flatter her, and to keep her moving in the direction of
increased reliance on the U.N. in global affairs. But you don't
have to be a "neo-con" to think this spells big trouble for
the U.S., our allies, and the world itself in the case of Iran.
If Iran acquires
nuclear weapons, we may all be pining for the days when the
hardline "neo-cons" were truly in charge of U.S. foreign policy.
More delay by the administration on this vital matter suggests
that the movement for "President Condi" could quickly lose
steam. -one-
copyright
2006 Accuracy in Media
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